8 Nisan 2017 Cumartesi

ANALYSIS OF COUP D’ETATS IN TURKEY WITHIN AN INTERNATIONAL CONTEXT

INTRODUCTION

First Coup D’etat in the Republic of Turkey's history took place on 27 May 1960. 12 March 1987 Memorandum, 12 September 1980 and 28 February 1997 Coups followed this first coup. In the last 10 years, Turkey has also experienced a military e-memorandum on 2007 and finally an attempted and failed Coup D’etat on 15 July 2016. Republic of Turkey’s recent political history since 1960 can be named as history of coups. There are different dynamics and underlying distinctive causes in each military intervention as each coup has taken place in different time period and their methods and actors are different from each other. However, it can be seen that there are common reasons and similar fundamental mechanisms paving the way for coups around the world.  Among them, we can count weakness of democratic political culture, failures of civil authorities, legitimacy crisis, institutional structure of military-civil relations; and in fact all of them are intertwined.
2016 Coup D’etat attempt has shown that Turkey is still actively struggling with military tutelage and a military intervention can be carried out even in a period when conditions leading to coups are not present. From this point of view, we can conclude that it will not be sufficient to take the military intervention in politics as a “national” problem and to address only internal dynamics in order to understand the reasons of politization tendencies of the military. Because, internal dynamics have mostly been outcomes of external dynamics. In other words; international system during the coups has significantly influenced domestic developments. Thus, this study aims to analyse the coups in Republic of Turkey, their international dimension from a wider framework and assessing them taking the international conjoncture during the coups into consideration.
1Demir,Osman, Üzümcü, Adem, ‘Türkiye’de Yaşanan Ara Rejimlerin Sebepleri Üzerine Bir İnceleme’, Gazi Üniversitesi İ.İ.B.F. Dergisi, 1/2002, s.155-182

THE RELATION BETWEEN INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM  AND COUP D’ETATS

Militaries are not actors carrying on their existence independent from the society they are in and from the global system. Militaries’ activities are influenced by power relations both in domestic and global system. At the same time, they have influence on these relations. Thus, militaries are both dependent and independent variables.
Looking at the the coups worldwide, we can see that international conjoncture during the coups has a facilitating effect on coups. Militaries can be supported in national and international scopes. Increasing politization tendencies within the armies can be related to this support.
There are very strong evidences supporting that coups have been realized by external powers’ direct or indirect intervention. “For what reasons and how external powers support coups direct or indirectly” is an important question that requires an answer. Guillermo O’Donnell’s approach may help answering this question: ‘’ Sometimes conflicts and inconsistencies between national political/economical line and international “order” can increase. This increase distributes the political, economic and bureaucratic alliances surrounding civil politics. Coups are used as an important tool to reorganize the system of alliances and bring national political line into conformity with international political and economical conjuncture.’’2 Some inferences can be made out of this approach. There are two main actors which play role on the realizing of coups:
1.      Groups/classes whose economical or political interests conflict with the current government
2.      International powers (Coups can be realized with direct and indirect support of external powers.)
Coups are usually realized by co-operation between opposition classes and international powers which are these two actors.
2 Balta, Evren, ‘Geçmişten Günümüze Darbeler’, Toplumsal Tarih, 273, Eylül 2016, s.54,55
Guillermo O’Donnell explains coups with “bureaucratic authoritarianism” model. As mentioned above, “coups take place during economic/political crisis periods when conflicts and inconsistencies between national political/economical line and international “order” increase and it is used as an important tool to resolve the crisis.” In other words, by means of coups, conflicting national and international conjonctures are tried to be synchronized. According to O’Donnell, populist strategies pursued by civil governments have a role in increasing this cleavage between international and national fields. We can see that the governments can usually act more comfortably with these strategies against international powers’ interests by taking support of their peoples. In fact, by this way, national interests are tried to be held superior to the interests of the international powers. Thus, the only way for the dominant powers in global system is to overthrow such governments which have taken the support of people is to organize coups and construct bureaucratic authoritarian state forms by means of military regimes. 
It will be appropriate to explain coups realized in Turkey with this approach. Turkey had to face military interventions in periods when it began showing tendencies for independence and therefore acting against the interests of external powers. It is possible to examine the coups experienced in Turkey based on the model presented by O’Donnell. Political developments which have taken place before and after 1960, 1971, 1980, 1997 and 2016 shows that an analogy can be drawn between O’Donnell’s model and Turkey’s coups based on Turkish-American relations. 


3 ‘Darbeler ve ABD’, Al Jazeera Türk, 24 Ağustos 2016
4 Erhan, Çağrı, ‘Türkiye’de Darbeler ve ABD’, Türkiye Gazetesi, 24 Temmuz 2016
3) COUP TRENDS in the WORLD SINCE 1950 and COUPS in TURKEY
Jonathan M Powell & Clayton L. Thyne  has put forward new data on coups between years 1950 and 2011 and the trends coups follow in certain periods in their study called “A new dataset”. 
6
In their study, they have come to the conclusion that between 1950 and 2010, there had been a total of 457 coup attempts. Between these years, coups had taken place in 94 different countries. As it is seen the graph, coups are agglomerated in certain regions of the world. It is possible to say that it is common in underdeveloped countries and regions. Percentage distribution is; Africa: 36.5%, Latin America: 31.9%, Middle East: 15.8%, Asia: 13.1% and Europe: 2.6%. As seen in the graph, Turkey is at a location geopolitically quite near to the Middle East and North Africa regions where coups are intensely realized. It is inevitable that these political fluctuations shall have effects on Turkey.

5  Powell, Jonathan M., Thyne, Clayton L.,  ‘’Global instances of coups from 1950 to 2010: A new dataset’’, Journal of Peace Research 48(2), 2011, s.255
6 Powell, Jonathan M., Thyne, Clayton L.,  ‘’Global instances of coups from 1950 to 2010: A new dataset’’, Journal of Peace Research 48(2), 2011, s.255,256
7
Above graph illustrates the frequency of coups worldwide between 1950 and 2010. Main inferences made out of this graph and trends obtained about frequency of coups shall be beneficial to explain coups in Turkey within an international context. Some inferences would be:
1) Most general inference made out of this graph is that throughout the world, coups have occured in the form of certain global fluctuations. In our globalizing world, a coup which takes place in a part of the world will unavoidably influence other countries as well. Therefore, it will be inevitable to grasp the analysis of these coups within this wide framework.
2) There has been a significant decline worldwide in the frequencies of coups and number of successful coups.
3) While there had been an increasing trend of the number of coups from 1950 to early 1980s; there has been a decreasing trend in general since the end of 1980s.
4) Mid 1960s and 70s and early 1990s are the peak points of the number of military interventions.
7 Powell, Jonathan M., Thyne, Clayton L.,  ‘’Global instances of coups from 1950 to 2010: A new dataset’’, Journal of Peace Research 48(2), 2011, s.255,256
5)  We can see that there is a significant decline in the number of coups in the 21st century. However, since 2003, there has been a remarkable increase in the rates of success in coup attempts. It is concluded that out of 18 coups, 12 (67%) had been successful from 2003 to 2011.  Namely, this rate has increased from 49.7% to 67% compared to the period before 2003.
International System, 1960, 1971 and 1980 Military Interventions
During the Cold War; super powers have used coup d’etats as an effective tool to integrate the third world countries into their blocs. Through these coups, opponent governments had been overthrown. Ideological conflict between East and West has affected Middle Eastern countries including Turkey deeply. 1960, 1971 and 1980 Military Interventions in Turkey also took place during Cold War period in which an increase has been seen in the number of coups. So, to analyze the underlying reasons of these coups; one should discuss them within the context of the bipolar system of the Cold War.
During the Cold War, the society and politics in Turkey has been divided as right and left wing; as it has been in the International System. The ideological conflict during the Cold war took also effect in Turkey. Especially the youth movements in Turkey were influenced by these streams of thought. In the period during 12 March 1997 Memorandum and 12 September 1980 coup; leftists in the Turkey were substantially influenced by left current which showed influence in the world. External powers has fueled the conflicts between leftists and rightists to cause a chaos. By doing these, they were forming a basis for a potential military intervention.

8 Balta, Evren, ‘Geçmişten Günümüze Darbeler’, Toplumsal Tarih, 273, Eylül 2016, s.51,52
9Boztaş, Asena, ‘Türk Demokrasisine Müdahaleler’, Mustafa Kemal Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, Cilt 9, 2012, s.65-73

 The Reasons for Declining in The Numbers of Coups on a Global Scale Since Late 1980s  
-With the end of the Cold War, USA and Russia largely abandoned their strategy of supporting coups. In other words, as a result of the change in the global system; the frequency of coups decreased substantially.
- This strategic and tactical change of great powers coincided with a number of changes in the dominant international norms and values. In the new era beginning after Cold War; military interventions have begun to be questioned in the international system; in other words, they began losing legitimacy. The reason for this change is that democratization processes accelerated on a global scale and the number of countries which adopt democratic values and institutions increased . Even if some coups took place in this new era, within a short time interim regimes handed over the authority to the civil governments.
 - In parallel with the democratization waves; the reactions against politization of the militaries and the number of mechanisms that provide control over militaries have increased. These circumstances also had an effect on the decreasing of numbers of coups after 1980.
- The fourth reason of this decline after 1980 is rising levels of welfare on a global scale. Because, there is a reverse causal relationship between the prosperity levels and internal conflicts within countries. In the economically stable countries, coups can not easily be justified or legitimized.
-The effect of golabalization is also important for this decline. Because the states which are well integrated into global economic system try to attract foreign capital into their countries. Atmosphere of uncertainty, unpredictability and political instability the coups bring about

10 Frıedman, Uri, ‘The Thailand Exception: Are Coups a Thing of the Past?’, The Atlantic, May 23, 2014
discourage the foreign investors. From this perspective, as states increase their international economic integration; the democratization process in their countries accelerates and the possibility of coup which we can think as a step backwards from democratization decreases. (capitalist peace theory)
Turkey After 1980 Coup D’etat
The democratization process in Turkey which started in 1945 had been interrupted again by the 1980 Coup. After 1980 intervention, Turkey resumed its democratization efforts. On August 1981, a legislation on constituent assembly was enacted. On November 1982, a referendum on the new constitution was held. However, a properly transition to democracy has been achieved  with the 6 November 1983 general elections through which Anavatan Party  has come to power alone. So, 3 years later, armed forces transfered the power to the civil government. The 1987 constitutional amendment was the first step towards weakening the military tutelage in Turkey. All of these devolopments are important for showing how the wave of democratization which was dominant on a global scale in 1980s influenced the politics in Turkey. In parallel with dominant trend in the world; after 1980 coup, Turkey had not experienced any military intervention until 1997.
The Third Wave of De-Democratization? / 28 February 1997 Military Intervention
According to some views; the world entered into a third wave of de - democratization in 1990s. After Cold War; ‘radical islam’ has begun to be perceived as the primary threat against Western world and the current international order instead of socialism. In this period, the Western world has started to perceive some other civilizations as a threat to its existence. In his famous book named “The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order(1993)”, Huntington
11 Chacha, Mwita, Powell, Jonathan, ‘Economic Interdependence and Post-Coup Democratization’, Journal Democratization, 08 Dec. 2016, s.19,20
presents this new approach. Supporters of this view argue that since early 1990s; great powers, notably USA, have launched some implicit and explicit interventions against the Islamic world. Even if this view would be perceived as a conspiracy theory; it can draw an international framework for the February 28 military memorandum which is also called as the "postmodern coup". With this memorandum; the conservative and religious people, who were described as "reactionary and Islamist," were chosen as main target. Furthermore, it is possible to evaluate 2007 E-memorandum and 15 July 2016 failed coup d’etat within this conjectural third wave of de-democratization .
The Coup D’etats of 21st Century and  The July 15th Failed Coup Attempt In Turkey
We observe a significant decrease in the numbers of coups in the 21st century. We see that coups are less common in this century compared to the early 60s, 70s and 80s. On the other hand; since 2003, the number of successful coup attempts showed a significant increase. So, even they are not so prevalent; coups are still notable factors that can affect the political relations in the global system.
As different from previous terms; in the 21st century, coups became widespread among democratic countries. If we look at the coups taking place after 2000; we see that many of them has been carried out against democracies. From 2000 to present; several elected governments have been overthrown by coups. Within last 10 years; democracies of countries from different regions like Egypt(2013), Thailand(2014), Honduras(2009) and Fiji(2006) faced coups. Since 2000, 2/3 of ousted leaders were the leaders of countries ruled by democracies. So, July 15 coup is not an extraordinary event just because it took place in a democratic country.
12 Bersay, A.Kemal, ‘Huntington ve demokrasi’, Anlayış Dergisi, Temmuz 2006
13 Bell, Curtis, Powell, Jonathan, ‘’Turkey’s coup attempt was unusual, but not for the reasons you might expect’’, The Washington Post, July 22, 2016
In fact, 15 July coup was in line with the general trend in the world. What made this coup exceptional is that the coup attempt failed thanks to the resistance of people. In other words, The reason for this failure is the absence of necessary conditions for a successful coup attempt before July, 15. But what are these necessary conditions?
1.      Good Timing: Timing plays an important role as a catalyst to bring coups to a successful end. This is why a lot of coups have been carried out right before elections. Firstly; military chooses this undemocratic way to change the election results in their favor. Secondly; due to the fact that people become more mobilized in the electoral period, the support of people for the coup increases. As can be seen in the figure below; about half of the coups aganist democracies in the last 10 years  has been carried out  a short while before or after the elections.
            14
 However; when 15 July attempt was carried out; there was no upcoming election.
Unrest of People: Whether the ruling government takes the support of its people or not is an important determinant for the result of a coup. If we look at the coups which took place in Egypt, Burundi, Honduras and Thailand recently; we observe mass demonstrations and protests against ruling leaders and governments before coups. In other words; political instability, civil war and chaos in these countries prepared the appropriate conditions for a coup. Different from these countries; Erdoğan and ruling government were highly
14 Bell, Curtis, Powell, Jonathan, ‘’Turkey’s coup attempt was unusual, but not for the reasons you might expect’’, The Washington Post, July 22, 2016
supported by a large portion of the people. This popular support was the biggest challenge for the putschists. Because at that night, the coup attempt was prevented by the people itself.
People’s Support for the Coup: In the countries like Egypt and Thailand, middle-class regarded military as liberators and supported coups with a hope of political stability and economic recovery. The democracy culture were not well-devoloped in these countries. In literature, this situation is conceptualised as “middle-class military coup”.
However, before July 15, Turkey’s political and economic situation was much better than the above mentioned countries like Egypt and Thailand. Also, by taking a lessons from its past and gaining experience against putschism, Turkish people have developped a more powerful democracy culture and gained strength against the threat of putschism. Thus, because of the lack of these three conditions; the coup could not achieve its objective.
To sum up; 15 July coup was an extraordinary example for the history of coups. Because the conditions where the coup has taken place were very different from past experiences. The 15 July deviated from the coup trend which began in the early 2000s.
4) Global Democratization And De-Democratization Trends And Coups In Turkey
In the globalizing World, democratization movements or de-democratization attempts like military coups taking place in a country inevitably spread to the other countries. From this point of view, Huntington suggests that democratization or de-democratization movements have had impacts in different magnitudes in many different countries. He has asserted that the World has experienced 3 democratization, 2 de-democratization waves since 1800s. Within this framework, we can consider Turkey’s coups as reverse democracy waves.
15 Frıedman, Uri, ‘The Thailand Exception: Are Coups a Thing of the Past?’, The Atlantic, May 23, 2014

Table: Democratization and reverse waves in the world
16
In this graph, values in brackets illustrates increase and decrease in the number of democratic countries. Events which initiated the first wave had been American (1783) and French (1789) revolutions. Democracy has spreased to the World with these revolutions. Modernization and democratization movements and the transition to the Republican system in the last period of the Ottoman Empire also had taken place at the same periods.This period is a period when similar transitions have occured not only in the Ottoman Empire, but also in other Empires. In the last period of the Ottoman Empire, some interventions which can be identified as reverse waves against the sultans have taken place. But, overthrowing of Abdülaziz by the Janissaries is widely accepted as the first military coup in Turkish political history.
1st democratization wave has reversed by Mussolini’s coming into power in Italy in 1922. Years between 1922 and 1942 is the period of one-party regime and authoritarian govenment. However, similar tendencies had been observed in other countries in this period as well as Turkey and Italy. We can see that the second wave began with the end of 2nd World war and beginning of decolonization wave. This democratization wave which began on 1950s had
16Demir,Osman, Üzümcü, Adem, ‘Türkiye’de Yaşanan Ara Rejimlerin Sebepleri Üzerine Bir İnceleme’, Gazi Üniversitesi İ.İ.B.F. Dergisi, 1/2002, s.177
shown impacts on Asian, European, African and South American continents. As can be seen from the graph, this is the period where transition to democracy is highest. We have also observed that a parallel important democratization wave had begun with the 15 May 1950 elections which is accepted as the first democratic election in Republic of Turkey’s history. In other words, this wave had also effected Turkey.
Militarist period which began in 1960s is perceived as a 2nd reverse wave. First two military interventions in Turkish history, 27 May 1960 and 12 March 1971 coups, have occured during the 2nd reverse waves.
Third and the last democratization wave had begun with the overthrowing of the dictatorship in Portugal in 1974. This wave is still proceeding according to Huntington. Huntington states that there has been a rapid increase again in the number democratic states in global system following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989. But, he has not identified this as a 4th wave. On the other hand, there are opinions which identify this as a 4th wave. However, as mentioned above, there are also opinions which suggests that a 3rd reverse wave has begun in 90s. If we take this opinion as a base, I believe that we can consider 1997, 2007 and 2017 military interventions in Turkey within the international framework. Coups which have been observed in rather democratic countries since 2000s are supporting this thesis. But, as these coups are less in numbers compared to the past waves and not common worldwide, we cannot certainly identify this tendency as a wave. It is worth questioning and thinking whether this is a 3rd reverse wave. Observers do not foresee a 4th democratization yet for thefuture. It is widely thought that hybrid regimes have begun to spread contrary to what had been expected in the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet Union.
17 Ö. Kaboğlu İbrahim, ‘Demokratikleşme Dalgaları ve Türkiye...’, BirGün, 26.02.2015
18 Kurmel, Ömer Aytek, ‘Demokratikleşme Dalgaları’, Cherkessıa, 04 Mayıs 2015

CONCLUSION:
Turkey, with its geopolitical location and deep-rooted past, has influenced developments in the global system and been highly influenced by these developments. Therefore, it is not useful to analyze the democratization trends, military interventions and anti-democratization trends observed since the late Ottoman era independent from the waves and trends in the global system.  For this reason, it is necessary to analyze the coups taking the international conjoncture into consideration.















BIBLIOGRAPHY
1)      Demir,Osman, Üzümcü, Adem, ‘Türkiye’de Yaşanan Ara Rejimlerin Sebepleri Üzerine Bir İnceleme’, Gazi Üniversitesi İ.İ.B.F. Dergisi, 1/2002
2)      Balta, Evren, ‘Geçmişten Günümüze Darbeler’, Toplumsal Tarih, 273, Eylül 2016
3)      ‘Darbeler ve ABD’, Al Jazeera Türk, 24 Ağustos 2016
4)      Erhan, Çağrı, ‘Türkiye’de Darbeler ve ABD’, Türkiye Gazetesi, 24 Temmuz 2016
5)      Powell, Jonathan M., Thyne, Clayton L.,  ‘’Global instances of coups from 1950 to 2010: A new dataset’’, Journal of Peace Research 48(2), 2011
6)      Boztaş, Asena, ‘Türk Demokrasisine Müdahaleler’, Mustafa Kemal Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, Cilt 9, 2012
7)      Frıedman, Uri, ‘The Thailand Exception: Are Coups a Thing of the Past?’, The Atlantic, May 23, 2014
8)      Chacha, Mwita, Powell, Jonathan, ‘Economic Interdependence and Post-Coup Democratization’, Journal Democratization, 08 Dec. 2016
9)      Bersay, A.Kemal, ‘Huntington ve demokrasi’, Anlayış Dergisi, Temmuz 2006
10)  Bell, Curtis, Powell, Jonathan, ‘’Turkey’s coup attempt was unusual, but not for the reasons you might expect’’, The Washington Post, July 22, 2016
11)  Ö. Kaboğlu İbrahim, ‘Demokratikleşme Dalgaları ve Türkiye...’, BirGün, 26.02.2015
12)   Kurmel, Ömer Aytek, ‘Demokratikleşme Dalgaları’, Cherkessıa, 04 Mayıs 2015
15)   Nisen, Max, ‘Coups D'Etat Have Totally Gone Out Of Style’, Business Insider, Jul. 3, 2013

16)  Andrea Kendall-Taylor and Erica Frantz, ‘’Autocrats now more vulnerable to being ousted by revolt’’, The Washington Post, April 9, 2014..

5 Nisan 2017 Çarşamba

Theodor W. Adorno ve Max Horkheimer’ın Bakış Açısından Avrupa'da Yükselen Aşırı/Radikal Sağ Siyaset

Avrupa'da yükselen aşırı/radikal sağ siyasetin gelişme nedenleri ve olası sonuçlarını Theodor W. Adorno ve Max Horkheimer’ın toplum ve birey arasındaki ilişkinin kültürel boyutunu  analiz etmek için kullandıkları ‘kitle kültürü’ , ‘kültür endüstrisi’ ve ‘meta fetişizmi’ kavramları ile açıklayabiliriz. Teorilerine göre rasyonel insanların toplumla olan ilişkileri ve bu insanların düşüncelerini baskılayan popüler kültür araçları insanların irrasyonel kararlar almalarına yol açabilmektedir.
Adorno’ya göre bizim toplumsal normalleri öğrendiğimiz yer kitle kültürüdür. Otorite sahipleri, insanlar için belirledikleri ‘normalleri’ kitle kültürü araçlarını kullanarak halk genelinde yaygınlaştırmaktadırlar. Özellikle modernite çağında bu araçlarla çok geniş kitlelere hitap edebilmek mümkün hale gelmiştir. Kitle kültürünün film, radyo ve televizyon gibi geleneksel ve sosyal medya gibi modern araçları yüzünden kitleler sürekli otorite sahiplerinin propagandalarına maruz kalmaktadırlar. Kitle kültürü araçları ile neyin güzel olup olmadığı ve estetik ile ilgili yargılarımız oluşturulduğu gibi siyasetle ilgili yargılarımız da oluşturulmaktadır.
 Adorno Amerika’da 1950’lerde hakim olan McCarthyism’in faşizme giden yolda bir başlangıç olabileceğinin alarmını vermekte ve bu otoriterleşmeyi destekleyen kitle kültürü araçlarının Amerikan demokrasisi için büyük bir tehdit oluşturduğunu öne sürmektedir. Son dönemde batıda yükselen aşırı/radikal sağ siyaset göz önüne alındığında Adorno’nun endişelerinin 21.yy da gerçeğe dönüştüğünü söyleyebiliriz.1 Son dönemde kapitalizm ve liberal demokrasinin içinde bulunduğu bu kriz eleştirel teorinin varsayımlarına olan ihtiyacı bir kez daha gün yüzüne çıkarmıştır.
Aşırı sağ siyasetin yükseldiği dönemlerde ‘olağanüstü hal’in gerekçe gösterilerek insan hakları ve liberal değerlerin yozlaştırıldığını, dini hoşgörüsüzlüklerin ve siyasi engizisyonların arttığını
1Alex Ross, ‘The Frankfurt School Knew Trump Was Coming’’, The New Yorker, 5 Aralık 2016
ve yasal korumanın zayıfladığını görmekteyiz. Kitle kültürü araçları gelenek ve kurallara uygun davranışları ve itaat kültürünü desteklerken, uyuşmazlıkları yatıştırmakta, farklı görüştekilerin sesini ise kısmaktadır. Bu yönüyle bu araçlar ‘diktatörlük modasına(dictatorial fashion)’2 hizmet etmektedirler.
Aşırı sağın yükseldiği dönemlerde insanların zihinlerindeki ırkçı, anti-demokratik, paranoyak ve rasyonaliteden uzak duygu ve düşünceler yükselişe geçmektedir. Çünkü bu tür dönemlerde kitleler otorite sahiplerinin psikolojik manipülasyonlarına karşı hassas hale gelmekte, gerçek ile kurgu arasındaki çizgi belirginsizleşmeye3 ve insanlar ‘hakikat ötesi’nde yaşamaya başlamaktadırlar. Adorno kitleleri hipnoz eden savaş haberleri gibi ırkçı methodların ‘kültür endüstrisi’ olarak tanımladığı üretim mekanizması tarafından sürekli kopyalanarak yeniden üretildiğini öne sürmektedir.(seri üretim)
Arzın talebe bağlı olarak geliştiği klasik liberal ekonomiden farklı olarak artık arzın talebi belirlediği bu yeni üretim mekanizmasını Adorno ve Horkheimer ‘kültür endüstrisi’ olarak tanımlamaktadır. Seri üretimin gerçekleştiği bu süreçte alternatifler belirlenmekte ve en çok satan ürüne yönelik reklam ve kopyalama yapılmaktadır. Ancak insanlar popüler kültür araçlarının kendilerine sunduğu kolaylıklar ve avantajlar dolayısıyla kültürün bu mekanizma tarafından üretildiğini, kısıtlı sayıdaki alternatifin burjuvazi tarafından belirlenip piyasaya sürüldüğünü fark edemez. Çünkü popüler kültür araçları elitlerin toplum üzerinde kurdukları otoritenin, toplumdaki ekonomik eşitsizliklerin ve yönetimin başarısızlıklarının üstünü örtmekte ve kitlelerin odaklarını farklı yerlere kaydırmaktadır. Buradan hareketle söyleyebiliriz ki; kitle kültürü araçları ile halka pompalanan ırkçı ve ötekileştirici söylemler ve yaratılan tehdit
2 Alex Ross, ‘The Frankfurt School Knew Trump Was Coming’’, The New Yorker, 5 Aralık 2016
3 Alex Ross, ‘The Frankfurt School Knew Trump Was Coming’’, The New Yorker, 5 Aralık 2016

algıları ile iktidarlar aslında kendi yönetimlerindeki başarısızlık ve otoriterleşme eğilimlerinin üzerini örtmeye çalışmaktadırlar. Göçmen krizi ve ekonomik krizi yönetmekte zorlanan Avrupa’da aşırı sağın yükselişini de bu çerçeveden değerlendirmenin doğru olacağını düşünüyorum.
Popüler kültür araçlarının aşırı sağcı siyasi liderlerin yükselişe geçmesinde de büyük payı vardır. Bir iş adamı iken bir televizyon programı sayesinde ünlü olan Trump’ın Amerikan başkanı seçilmesi bu duruma örnek olarak verilebilir. Dolayısıyla Trump’ın bir siyasi figür olduğu kadar bir popüler kültür fenomeni olduğunu da söyleyebiliriz. Geleneksel ve sosyal medya seçim öncesindeki faaliyetleri ile bilinçli ya da bilinçsiz şekilde Trump’ı çok fazla görünür hale getirerek başkan seçilmesine katkı sağlamışlardır. Herhangi bir mesaj verme amacı gütmeden rating oranları daha yüksek olduğu ve Hillary Clinton’dan daha ‘ilginç’ bir siyasi figür olduğu için medya Trump’ın seçim kampanyalarına geniş bir yer verdi. Yani aslında medya iki alternatif arasından daha fazla popüler kültürleştirilebilecek olanı yani Trump’ı seçti. Trump ülkedeki kültür endüstrisi tarafından bir ‘meta’ haline getirilmiş ve bu metaya gizem katılarak fetişist bir hale getirilmiştir.
Adorno insanların kendi rasyonel çıkarları ile uyuşmayan bir siyasi programı destekleyebildikleri mekanizmaların pek çok türden hile ve kandırmacaya ihtiyaç duyduğunu öne sürer. *Bu görüşten hareketle seçmenlerde yaratılan bu fetişizmi bu üretim mekanizmasının bir kandırmacası olarak düşünürsek Trump gibi ırkçı bir siyasi figürün büyük kitleler tarafından nasıl desteklendiğini anlayabiliriz. Özetle söyleyebiliriz ki özelde Trump’ın genelde aşırı sağcı liderlerin ülkelerindeki seçimleri kazanarak iktidara gelmeleri sadece insanların özgür tercihlerinin bir sonucu olarak değerlendirilemez. Bir anlamda kültür endüstrisi talebi(seçim sonuçlarını)baştan kendisi belirlemektedir.
4 Alex Ross, ‘The Frankfurt School Knew Trump Was Coming’’, The New Yorker, 5 Aralık 2016
ZND

1 Nisan 2017 Cumartesi

Mihail Bakunin'in Siyaset Felsefesi ve Pozitivizm Üzerine Görüşleri

Bakunin’in 1873’de yazdığı ‘Devlet ve Anarşi’ isimli eseri kaynağını 1.Nikola’nın Çarlık Rusya’daki baskıcı saltanat rejiminden alır. Bu baskıcı rejime rağmen o dönem (1825-1855) Çarlık Rusya’da entelektüel hareketler de önemli bir gelişme göstermiştir. Mihail Bakunin’in düşünsel hayatının ve ideolojisinin büyük ölçüde o dönem Rusya’da hakim olan bu atmosfer etrafında şekillendiğini görmekteyiz. 19 yy.da Çarlık Rusya’da Batı ile etkileşim şansı olan ve baskı rejimine yönelik eleştiriler öne süren kesimler genelde asiller oluyordu. Bakunin de aristokrat bir ailenin çocuğuydu. Bakunin kendisinin batılı bir anlayışla yetiştirildiğini belirtir. 1870’de başlayan Fransa-Prusya savaşı Bakunin üzerinde önemli bir etki yarattı ve bu savaşı bir Fransız Halk Devrimi’ne çevirmeye çalıştı. Lyon’da başalatılan sosyalist ayaklanmaya katıldı ama girişim başarısız oldu. 1872 yılında enternasyonel içinde yaşanan hizipleşme de dönemin önemli gelişmelerinden biridir. Marx Bakunin ve grubunu Enternasyonel’den azlettirdi. Bakunin ‘Devlet ve Anarşi’ isimli eserini 1870’li yıların başında yaşanan bu gelişmelere bir tepki olarak yazmıştır.
3 Mihail A. Bakunin, Devlet ve Anarşi, M.Uyurkulak(çev.), Ankara:Öteki Yayınevi, Eylül 1998,ss.5-29
Bakunin Enternasyonel’deki hizipleşmenin de etkisi ile Marksizm’e yönelik eleştiriler geliştirmiştir.Bakunin Marksistlerin politik hayata katılmalarına ve devlete göre politika yapmalarına karşıydı. Bakunin’e göre bu takdirde Marksistler ya burjuva partilerine dönüşecekler ya da iktidara geldiklerinde kitleler üzerinde yeni bir hükmedici zümre oluşturacaklardı. Bakunin anarşizme giden yolda Proleterya Diktatörlüğü şeklinde bir geçiş devletinin olmasının ‘’yeni sınıfın’’ yükselişine yol açabileceğini öne sürer. Marx ise sosyalizmin yeni bir otorite yaratabileceği fikrine katılmakla beraber bir kez sınıf tahakkümü ortadan kalktığı için  devlet ve ona bağlı bütün otorite ilişkilerinin zamanla ortadan kalkacağını savunur. Yani aslında Marx otoriteyi sadece ekonomik koşulların bir sonucu olarak görmektedir. Özetle Bakunin  Marx’ın  üretim teorisine katılmakla birlikte yönetim teorisini eleştirmekte ve her türlü otorite ve iktidarın yozlaştıracağı tezini savunmaktadır. Bakunin Devletçilik ve Marksizmin ikisine de karşı bir şekilde gelecekteki anarşist toplumun taslağını da ortaya koymaktadır. Kendisi üretim üzerine kurulan kolektiflerden bahseder. Bu sistemde toplum tahakkümden kurtulmuş biçimde bağımsız ve bütünüyle özgür birlikler aracılığıyla örgütlenecek ve kararlar aşağıdan yukarıya oy birliğine dayanarak alınacaktır.
Bakunin Hegel’in doktrinleri üzerinde de ayrıntılı bir çalışma yapmıştır. ‘Devlet ve Anarşi isimli eserinde Hegel felsefesinin metafiziğe karşı duruşunu kendi teorisi için de kullanmış ve desteklemiştir. Hegel’den hareketle Bakunin eserinde metafiziğin temelsiz ve gerçekdışı olduğunu öne sürer. Bakunin’e göre ‘’metafizikde hayata giden yol kapalıdır’’. Bakunin soyut düşünceyi hareket noktası alarak yaşamanın, ‘’hayatı düşünceye değil, düşünceyi hayata uygulamanın’’ yanlış olduğunu vurgular. Ona göre ‘’soyutlamaya bel bağlayan kişi onun içinde ölecek, içine gömülecektir.’’
4 Mihail A. Bakunin, Devlet ve Anarşi, M.Uyurkulak(çev.), Ankara:Öteki Yayınevi, Eylül 1998,ss.31-33, 5ss.10,11
6 Mihail A. Bakunin, Devlet ve Anarşi, M.Uyurkulak(çev.), İstanbul: Agora, 1873/2006, ss177

Bakunin’e göre soyut düşünce ile hareket eden insanların devrim yapabilmesi mümkün değildir. Bakunin’e göre gerçekten ve tam olarak özgürleşmenin yolu ve anarşist toplumsal devrim yapabilmenin yolu rasyonel hareket edip, düşünebilmekten geçmektedir. 
Bakunin metafizikçiler kavramının kapsamına pozitivistleri de katar. Kendisi pozitivistleri ‘’bilim tanrıçasının günümüzdeki tapınıcıları’’, ‘düşüncenin ve bilimin şövalyeleri’ ve ‘’bilim papazları’’ olarak tanımlar. Ona göre pozitivistler toplumdaki insanları ne pahasına olursa olsun kendi tasarladıkları toplumsal örgütlenmenin çarkına sokmak isterler. Pozitivistler bilim ve düşünce adına yaşamın kanunlarını belirlemeye çalışırlar. Bakunin’e göre yaşamın kanunlarını bilimin belirlemesi insanlığın büyük çoğunluğunun sayıları oldukça az olan bilim adamlarının yönetimine tabi kılındığı anlamına gelir. Ona göre az sayıda bilginin dünyayı yönetir hale gelmesi iğrenç bir despotizmden başka bir şey değildir. Bakunin’e göre bilginler doğaları gereği yozlaşmaya meyillidirler. Bir kez yönetmelerine müsaade edildiğinde kibirlerinden dolayı en önü alınamaz tiranlara dönüşeceklerini öne sürer. Bakunin bilim insanlarına bu yetki verildiği takdirde bilginlerin deneylerinde hayvanları kullandıkları gibi insanları da kullanmaya başlayabilecekleri uyarısında bulunur. Toplumun bilgi ve bilim tarafından idare edilmesi koyun sürüsünden farksız , ‘dilsiz ve köle ruhlu bir aptallar dünyası’ yaratacaktır. (s.176)Özetle Bakunin halklara zihinlerde yaratılan bir toplumsal örgütlenmenin dayatılmasına karşı çıkmakta, hayatın daima düşünceden önce geldiğini düşüncenin bir sonucu olmadığını savunmaktadır. Çünkü düşüncenin toplumsal pratikten önce geldiğini kabul ettiğimiz anda düşünce ve bilime hükmeden az sayıda insanın  toplumu yönetme hakkına sahip olduğunu kabul etmiş oluruz.
7  Mihail A. Bakunin, Devlet ve Anarşi, M.Uyurkulak(çev.), İstanbul: Agora, 1873/2006, ss.172-176

Ona göre her türlü devlet iktidarı halkı kendi çıkarlarına uymayan yasalara boyun eğmek zorunda bırakır.Bu yüzden anarşistler her türlü devletçi örgütlenmenin karşısında dururlar. Bakunin’e göre bilimin toplum üzerinde kurduğu egemenliği savunmak devleti ve devlet iktidarını savunmak anlamına gelmektedir.